NRM Acoli Style

The office of the RDC is purportedly for the coordination of a district's security issues. It is answerable only to the President. Since there are elected district officials and the Police who could handle most security matters, this is yet another fail-safe redundancy control mechanism that props the President at unnecessary costs to the taxpayers. The appointees are often election losers who obsequiously and shamelessly advance the NRM (a.k.a. Museveni) agenda beyond the security docket.

Take the case of one assistant RDC of Gulu district—one Milton Odong. (The Milton probably originated from parents with some admiration or connection with another famous or infamous--depending on your persuasion--Ugandan). To say that Milton Odong is over jealous would be an understatement. One time there was some donation of medicine to the local Gulu government hospital. Odong had the gall to edict that the medicine would only benefit NRM supporters. This is no joke. The same Odong also issued an order stopping an opposition MP from recruiting from a local teachers’ training school. Again, the same Odong locked up the Gulu town mayor who had some office misunderstanding with a man who was transferred or fired from the town’s administration.

Then take the case of one presidential assistant-cum-adviser—a Toodwong. There are countless advisers—some who would starve but for the presidential largess—throughout the country, but you rarely hear from them. But not our Toodwong. He is known for his strident support for giving Acoli land to the so-called investors—chief among them, the Indian Madhivani. Recently Mr. Toodwong went to the elders of Payira clan in Anaka, urging them to support his MP quest in 2011.













Toodwong Woos Acoli Payira Elders
Generally clan support is part and parcel of Acoli politics, but to ask for it openly and bluntly is a new one. Even then, some have in the past bucked the trend. NRM Onek, who is said to be a Sudanese Acoli (and there is no problem with that, but with the caveat of correct allegiance), beat up UPC Lucima, who relied on his maternal and paternal clans to deliver him to Parliament. In the sixties the late Alija Latim, whose father was a Jonam and mother an Acoli from Mucwini, Kitgum was a formidable DP in the Gulu area, beating up clan-based candidates on the two parliametntary elections.

Generally, however, Acoli allegiance is to family, followed by clan. The idea of corporate Acoli is a new emerging phenomenon—thanks to the Amin and NRA atrocities. For long an Acoli man was for himself, his family, and maybe his clan. Thus he served the British faithfully and loyally. He again served Obote faithfully and loyally. For all that Amin butchered him at will with no one to rally for his cause. When the NRA came there was no Acoli structure and organization against the determined and organized NRA forces. The efforts by some elders to rally the Acoli were simply delusional. The Kony phenomenon is just a sad case of Gipir-Labongo curse of anger and stubbornness that is still the pervasive collective unconscious of the Acoli.

So then, it is not surprising if we find Acoli NRM party apparachiks who are willing to fall on swords for the sake of the party. If history is any indication, the number will increase as young men and women seek their individual fortunes and clans are willing to lend their supports. Mr. Museveni knows what he is talking about when he says he will win support in Acoli come 2011 despite leaving the region to the dogs for nearly a quarter century. It will be a test as to whether Acoli society has evolved or regressed to the same old, same old.