What Is the Game Plan?

Rwot Acana, who has assumed the created Museveni-era Paramount Chieftainship of the Acoli people, recently announced that Mr. Museveni has given him permission to convene a meeting.( http://www.newvision.co.ug/detail.php?mainNewsCategoryId=8&newsCategoryId=16&newsId=718327)
The envisaged agenda of the meeting is supposedly to review the progress of the reconstruction stipulations agreed upon at the Juba peace talks.

First, let us take a brief overview of the history of Acoli chieftainship. The highest political grouping that Acoli people ever had was the clan. Traditionally each clan was headed by a chief, called rwot (which some claim the word is a derivative of the French language). The rwot succession was meritorious, based on character and skills of sons of the kaal (the chief’s court) generally, but not necessarily. Occasionally, bold and adventurous outsiders so impressed the elders that they were inducted into the clan leadership. The rwot was a position of service—a true servant of the people—rather than a means of amassing wealth. Character and oratory skills were the hallmark of solid citizenship. Relationship with other clans was confederate, based on mutual interests, such as marriage, military defense or offence. Lesser clans were co-opted into the larger clans by their needs rather than through force.

Generally the various clans lived in peace with one another. Beyond light skirmishes, there was never an all-out war for dominance. Arab slave traders may have shaken this idyllic setup, but the most pronounced outside disruption was from British colonialism. Any chief who was over-jealously for his people was replaced by pretenders who were lapdogs, willing to dance to the colonialist whims. Rwot Acana’s grandfather was chief of the Payiira, one of the larger clans. He would not bow to the British pressure, and was exiled to the now Kololo Hill in Kampala—away from his people that he felt honored, privileged and obligated to serve their interests.

Overall there was no desire for a lordship over the whole tribe by a kingly figure. Had Acoli traditional political leadership evolved organically, it seems likely that a stronger confederacy would have been the next outcome. The traumas of the last forty years demonstrated the fault lines, and sentiments of one Acoli nation is gaining currency--if only for survival. If  a burning tire necklace knows no bound as long as you are an Acoli, then one might think twice in "looking only for number one" with the hope that the devil you serve will save you.

This brings us to the Paramount Chief. One thing for sure, we all know it is not an organic evolution. Why was it created? To keep up with the Joneses? As another arrow in Museveni’s quiver of political machinery?

The jury is still out on whether Acoli needs a Paramount Chief. Moreover, Museveni himself refuses a king of long tradition in his native Ankole. His motive for this position may be more of a pirate who does not want rivalry for the hearts of the Banyankole rather than for the people’s wishes.

In Acoli, there was once a Laloyo Maber, a creation of Obote I. The institution vanished when the same creator dismantled all kingdoms. Some never forgave him for it, but had the last laugh. No Acoli, however, lost sleep on the demise of the institution of Laloyo Maber.

If Rwot Acana wants to build the institution of the Paramount Chief into the consciousness of his people, he should be cognizant of historical facts. He would loose credibility if he plays the errand boy, in reality and/or perception. If the call for the meeting was initiated by Museveni, a man who was dragged screaming to the negotiation table, then the exercise is a political farce. The reconstruction regime is in the prime minister’s docket. Why couldn’t he call the meeting, and invite Rwot Acana as a participant in the review?

K Ssemogerere, the Colonial Visitor from the South

Mr. Ssemogeree’s narration of his “safari” through the Eastern and Northern frontiers is not unlike that of a colonial adventurer of the 1800s. True to form, a colonial traveler worth his salt must be carried by native guides to negotiate the dangerous primitive terrains. And so Ssemogerere’s guide—and he never fails to get one as in “I always find one”—showed him businesses affiliated with the dangerous terrorist, lest he be kidnapped and made to carry sacks of potatoes. Believe it or not, there have been kids from Kawempe, Entebbe and what-have-you who “escaped” Kony and sought asylum in desirable locales.

Of course, a “civilized” colonialist must dispense unsolicited advice to the natives to save themselves against themselves: “There is no reason to prolong this funeral” and follow the young who are free from past memories. But one must ask: If the dethroning of a tribal king could engender orgies of revenge killings twenty plus years later, don’t other have the right to mourn their murdered kin as long as they wish?

And speaking of murder, we have just celebrated the act of a macabre mass murderer at the dawn of a concept, called Uganda. Vacuous, grand standing speeches were made. Even the President threw in a few banal biblical quotes he does not believe in and, if he does, he is far too gone in the service of the devil to help himself.

For those of us who subscribe and believe in the Newtonian law of action and reaction—cause and effect—, could the karmic fruition of that single dastardly act not be the one haunting the Pearl? If we cannot talk and face truth in order to exorcise the past, the funeral must go on lest we forget and be caught flat-footed and be victimized once again in the next round of orgasmic violence.

The Fine Art of Management by Conflicts

Of the series of girlfriends—too many for my own good—,two stand out for their abilities at creating conflicts. Just when I am feeling comfortable and considering the ultimate possibilities, boom! Where did that come from? I am hit by a crisis. I am accused of this and that. As I become defensive we sink down to our lowest selves as we shout at one another. This is followed by the silent treatment. Sooner or later we are buddies again and in paradise—till next time! With time, however, the cycle becomes old and we drift apart and are only friends with benefits—if you know what I mean.

The story of confrontational relationship management may well mirror the story of Museveni’s NRM vis-à-vis the Uganda population. This year alone we can count a series of deliberately created conflicts meant to put the population on edge.

1. As his CHGOM intoxication was wearing down, he needed something to stir the water. He thus derided the Juba talks to the extent of dissociating himself from his own representative, Rugunda. What was that all about?
2. If you can understand the near fanaticism in floating the conflict-loaded land legislation, give me call. Now we will see how he will manage the practical implications of the said law in the Temangalo land saga.
3. Denying a tribal king the right to visit his subjects
4. Tribal ministers being roughed up for no apparent credible reason but to show who is the boss of all bosses.
5. Handling the Temangalo land issue by bending laws to achieve desired self-serving outcomes.

As if these were not tiring enough, this week Mr. Museveni went back to his old conflict grazing ground of Acoliland by releasing information on his design for taking land by using the government’s power of eminent domain.

Yes, in a democracy, a government can take land from owners based on certain constitutional and legal framework. The law of eminent domain is, however, fraught with controversies which his international agencies might have to contend with as they help in financing the Madhivani sugar scheme.

Acoli is not new to land appropriation by the government. However, even in the totalitarian colonial British rule, the government had to negotiate with the Acoli in taking large swaths of land for the Paraa Game Park. Incidentally, the terms of that settlement need to be revisited because the government maybe owing Acoli billions in back royalties on paid usage by visitors to the park.

What then is the power of eminent domain? This assumes that Uganda is not China, and the government is accountable to generally accepted legal principles based on the democratic world model. In this model eminent domain refers to the power possessed by the state over all property within the state, specifically its power to appropriate property for a public use. However, in most jurisdictions this power is weighed against the equally valid claim of private ownership and the right to do with it whatever manner one legally wants. And so to effect eminent domain there must be just compensations or some court hearings on alternative uses.

In the case of the said Acoli land, community property is a recognized private property to which the residents have asked to get settled down first after a virulent conflict before it can negotiate directly with the Madhvani Group. Is this too much to ask? Or is the present overture the equivalent of looting a house on fire?

In a twisted version of public use, the government now defines economic use as public use. That is partly why it tactically injects a percentage of government ownership in the deal as a public usage ruse.

If the Acoli MPs were astute tacticians, they should have long been prepared for this because Mr. Museveni will try every avenue to get his way. We live in interesting times. Let us be prepared for long legal battles ahead.

Here We Go Again: The Crowing President Museveni

At a funeral of one Ldt. Lutara in Acholi district Mr. Museveni characteristically crowed: Amin_ruled_me_for_two_days. Oh! How impressive! Implicitly all the Acholi who perished in the Amin regime were fools who could not compare to him. And then to add insult to injury, Mr. Onek, a minister with roots in Acholi lectured the Acholi that they misunderstand Museveni, and they should take up the so-called Museveni’s development plan for the region.

Onek, what do we misunderstand? This is a man who lauded an NRA military operation in Acholiland with this mocking statement: We massacred them. This is a man who refused to declare the Acholi region a disaster area even when displaced residents were dying by the thousands from simple diseases due to overcrowding in his concentration camps. What don’t we understand?

The Acholi like everyone else want development. But development is not going to be by giving away large swaths of land for dubious enterprises. Acholi land, a precious resource, should be well managed for the benefit of generations to come. Blood of our ancestors has been shed and their bones litter this land. Whoever, either works with us for mutual benefits, or against us with dire consequences.

NRM Cadre Mao in Camera

It would be easy to say: I told you so. Last time I talked about Mao's treacherous character. Read for yourself the dog vomit he is retching about his latest act. NRM Cadre Mao . When it quacks like a duck it is a duck.

On the face of it Mao says he is in the NRM Cadre training to learn the secret of how Museveni has ruled for 22 years and counting.

First, Mao went to Princeton supposedly to learn how to be a President—so we were told. Now, when will this learning stop so that he can carry on with the practice of wresting power?

Secondly, Mao is supposedly a big honcho in the Democratic Party (DP), one of the opposition political parties in Uganda. Historically, cadre training is an NRM brainchild and, to my knowledge, it has never been reconstituted into a neutral institution. For all intents and purposes it is an NRM body in the eyes of the population. Now, to see a Mao in such a body what symbolic message does it send to the majority peasant population?
This is simply a cop-out for lack of creativity in the art of political competition.

Some have given examples of Switzerland and Germany which have national military training. I have no problem with a neutral institution that serves every citizen without a leaning to one political party. As to Obote’s National Service in his Common Man’s Charter and Move to the Left which were still born, the country was already a one-party state, and the only problem I would have had with it was being forced to do the service.